Pogrom Propaganda 1918 Harmed Poland Fisher

America and the New Poland (1928), by H.H. Fisher. 2007

1918 Massive Pogrom Falsehoods Harmed Poland (as Intended). Consequences of Jewish Separatism. Poles Thwart Prussian Designs

This book devotes considerable detail to the history of the Polish nation since the early part of the 20th century. [Review based on original 1928 edition]. Owing to its breadth, I focus on only a few topics. One notable feature of this book is an exceptionally extensive bibliography of books, articles, and government documents on Poland. This is a boon to the researcher.

MASSIVE POGROM CALUMNIES: A LIE CAN TRAVEL HALFWAY AROUND THE WORLD WHILE THE TRUTH IS PUTTING ON ITS SHOES (PRECISELY AS INTENDED BY THE ANTI-POLISH PROPAGANDISTS)

Fantastic, lurid newspaper accounts of massive Polish pogroms, circa 1918, later entirely debunked by the likes of the Morgenthau Commission, had the desired effect: “The atrocity charges did great damage to Polish prestige in world opinion and at the Peace Conference, and rival claimants to disputed territories did not fail to make use of the implication that the Poles were a barbarous and undisciplined race, unfitted to administer the border lands which contained other races as well as the Jews.” (p. 156).

LIKE THEN (1918) LIKE NOW (2018): RECYCLED MASSIVE-POGROM ACCUSATIONS

Here we are, 100 years later, and we have exactly the same massive-pogrom thing! The media-promoted Jan Grabowski vel Abrahamer, in his JUDENJAGD (Hunt for the Jews), has been promulgating the baseless claim of 200,000 fugitive Jews killed by Poles.

This time, the Polonophobic falsehoods serve the Holocaust Industry, the cultural Marxists, the Eurocrats, and the globalists.

DO NOT BLAME EVERYTHING ON THE POLES FOR THE NEGATIVE ASPECTS OF POLISH-JEWISH RELATIONS

Fisher recognizes the alienating nature of Jewish separatism in Poland: “This Jewish nationalist formula was supported by the Zionists, and the right and left Jewish Socialists. The orthodox Jews advocated merely emancipation and equality of rights. The conflict, therefore, was not with `Poles of the Jewish faith,’ but with `Polish citizens of the Jewish nation.'” (p. 159). Despite the later (1925) efforts of Stanislas [Stanislaw] Grabski, Count Skrzynski, and several Jewish members of the SEJM, the problem persisted: “These measures did not, of course, put an end to anti-Semitism in Poland or to hostility to the Polish state among certain Jewish groups, but it was a step in the right direction, a hopeful indication of a less intransigent spirit in Polish-Jewish relations.” (p. 331).

SO-CALLED MINORITIES TREATY WAS ABOUT SPECIAL RIGHTS FOR JEWS

The author also recognizes the objectionable and hypocritical nature of the circa-1918 Minorities Treaty, unilaterally imposed on the newly resurrected Polish state: “Poland had to assume obligations respecting Germans and her territories, but Germany was required to make no similar undertaking respecting Poles, and none of the Principal Allied Powers made any treaties whatever covering the treatment of their minorities.” (p. 159). Well said!

THE PRUSSIAN BOOT STOMPS ON POLAND: POLES GET UP, AND PUSH BACK

Fisher provides much information about Prussian rule over Poland, especially the heavy-handed policies of Bismarck and his 1900 successor, von Buelow. Bismarck relaxed the anti-Catholic policies of his KULTURKAMPF as directed against German Catholics, but not those against Polish Catholics. The HAKATA became active. In response to the Prussian measures, notably the attempts to suppress the Polish language, the Polish peasants became more nationalistic than the gentry, which heretofore had been regarded as the bearer of the identity of Polish-ness. (p. 36). In order to resist Prussian efforts to expropriate their lands, Poles formed their Land Bank and Land Association, as well as cooperative and credit societies.

In just the 15 years prior to Poland’s independence, the Prussian authorities had expropriated about 600 square miles of farmland, replacing Poles with Germans. Fisher adds: “The existence of these German colonies was used in 1919 as an argument against restoring these districts to Poland.” (p. 34). In other words, so farcical were German demands for territory, based on plebiscites, etc., that the Germans actually had the audacity to lay territorial claims against Poland based on recently settled Germans! [Other shenanigans occurred during the so-called plebiscites themselves.]