Undemonizing Dmowski on Nazism Dmowski1

Wybór pism. Tom 1 (Wybór Pism #1), by Roman Dmowski. 2014

Roman Dmowski Was in No Sense Pro-Fascist or Pro-Nazi

A SELECTION OF THE WRITINGS OF ROMAN DMOWSKI is the title of this compilation of 29 Polish-language articles originally published between 1893 and 1934.

THOUGHTS OF A MODERN-THINKING POLE (1902), here an essay (pp. 74-112), soon became a book. See the Peczkis review: Mysli Nowoczesnego Polaka (Polish Edition).

In MEMORIAL ON THE TERRITORY OF THE POLISH NATION (1917), Dmowski mentions the centuries of Polishness of Danzig (Gdansk), right up until the Second Partition. (p. 228). In QUESTIONS ON CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (1917) Dmowski, mindful of the fact that German democrats had promoted the Great War no less than did the Kaiser and militarist Junkers, scoffed at the notion that a democratic Germany is necessarily a benign one. (p. 231). He also elaborated on the pre-WWI German-rule-Europe MITTELEUROPA Plan (p. 238). [Were he alive today, would Dmowski see the European Union as its fulfillment?]

In POLISH POLITICS AND THE REBUILDING OF THE NATION (1925), Dmowski focused on the reasons that Poland had succeeded in re-acquiring her independence after more than a century of failures. It was only partly due to favorable international developments. (p. 260). Also important was the acquisition of national consciousness, since about 1875, by the masses (p. 252); the abandonment of martyrdom and fatalism as options (p. 256); and the nature of the Polish national movement, embracing all social classes (p. 257), unambiguously led by fearless, selfless, realistic, and disciplined thinkers and leaders who did not seek cheap popularity. (p. 257). The “Germans are the main enemy” position was widely held by Poles, not just by Dmowski himself. (p. 262).

In DECLARATION OF IDEAS (1926), Dmowski, though not a practicing Catholic, declares that Catholicism must be central in Polish life, and that youth must be raised in this spirit. (p. 29). The Pole must strive to uphold the good name of Poland. (p. 269).

In THE CHURCH, NATION, AND COUNTRY (1927) Dmowski re-affirms the fact that Poland is a Catholic nation–not only because the majority of Poles are Catholic, but also because Catholicism is dominant and must therefore inform secular Polish policies. Even non-Catholic Poles, some of whom recognizably were the best sons of the Polish nation, understood this fact. A Polish citizen is at liberty to practice any religion, but is not free to pursue a political course of action inconsistent with the character and practices of Polish Catholicism. (p. 287).

On another subject, Dmowski dislikes the word nationalism, because the “-ism” connotes a doctrine. It detracts from the worth and thinking of the national movement. (p. 282).

JEWISH-RELATED ACCUSATIONS AGAINST DMOWSKI DEBUNKED

Dmowski’s detractors have misrepresented him as one who believed that a Jewish conspiracy ruled the world, and that he grew Nazi-like near the end of his life. The four final writings of this collection debunk these myths.

In THE JEWS AND IMPERIALISM (1932), Dmowski characterized Jews as ones who tend to support those who are powerful. He cited the services of Jews to empires and their rulers, from the days of Cyrus right up to the time of Bismarck. (p. 312). However, Dmowski rejected conspiracy theories. He did not see influential Jews as ones so powerful as to form a shadow government that controls a given nation, let alone the entire world. The actions of influential Jews followed developments; they did not cause them. For example, as Germany first chose to draw closer to England at the beginning of the 20th century, THEN German Jews and English Jews drew closer to each other. (p. 313). Influential Jews ATTEMPTED to impose policy decisions on empires., but did not necessarily succeed (p. 314).

In HITLERISM AS A NATIONAL MOVEMENT (1932), Dmowski characterizes Italian fascism and German Nazism as attempts to restore order to the political crisis of the times. He condemns Masonic liberalism for its promulgation of a variety of scoundrels and vices, often against the will of the recipient, while simultaneously condemning Nazism for its lack of spirituality. (p. 320). Dmowski notes the paradox of Nazism combatting Freemasonry, even though Freemasonry had strongly influenced Prussia’s OSTPOLITIK, notably the partitions of Poland. (p. 322).

The Hitlerites were attempting to remove Jewish influence as part of their nation-building strategy, even though the Jews had done so much to make Germany a world power, and had long served Prussia at the expense of the Poles, starting with the Partitions. (pp. 322-323). In unmentioned agreement with Ukrainian nationalists, Dmowski acknowledges that Poles, for their part, had used Jews as part of their policies relative to the Ukrainians. (p. 324).

In THE WORLD UPHEAVAL AND THE EVOLUTION OF POLISH POLITICS (1932), Dmowski suggests that Mussolini achieved his following in part by taking advantage of the privations of the Italians. (p. 325). He believes that, during the Great Depression, the ones getting wealthier, in many nations, tended to be Jews. (p. 326). He reminds the reader that the Freemasons played a key role in the French Revolution, and suggests that Freemasons help Jews achieve their goals. (p. 327). He describes Polish Jews as follows: “This dynamic people, alien to Polish-ness in every way, capable at an instant of going against Poland, pro-German in the last world war and pro-Soviet in the 1920 War…” (p. 328).

Dmowski sees fascism as something that will sweep Europe and do away with the anarchic character of parliamentary democracy. (p. 328). However, the Polish national movement must develop in its own way, solve Poland’s Jewish problem (he did not say how), and be soundly based on Polish-ness. (pp. 323-324).

In THE MILITARIZATION OF POLITICS (1934), Dmowski frowns on the growing emphasis on the military in Germany and Italy. This is stifling political creativity (p. 337). Fascism and Nazism are emphasizing the destruction of the objectionable, but not the creation of good. (pp. 338-339). Worse yet, fascism and Nazism are preventing the rule of law. Evidently referring to the assassination of Ernst Roehm, Dmowski realizes that “Whatever Hitler says is law” has taken over (p. 341), and concludes that one would have to be an enemy of civilization to emulate this movement. (p. 342).