Undemonizing Dmowski Fountain

Roman Dmowski, by Alvin Fountain. 1980

Undemonizing Dmowski. His Essential Political Thought

Author Alvin Fountain is no “Polish nationalist”. He is an American historian. This book covers Dmowski’s thinking in 1895-1907, well before Poland’s regaining of independence (1918).

NEITHER ETHNONATIONALISM NOR CIVIC NATIONALISM

The nation should not be defined by language, geography, or political situation, but as follows, according to Dmowski himself: “`We are a nation, a unified, indivisible nation, because we possess a sense of our unity, possess a common, collective consciousness, a shared NATIONAL SPIRIT.'” (p. 30; italics Dmowski’s).

THE PRACTICAL ACTIVISM OF ROMAN DMOWSKI

Pointedly, Dmowski offered an alternative to the extremes of strategically-unsound violence, and fatalistic submission, that had been common in foreign-ruled Poland. Fountain notes: “Rejecting the idea of revolution as practiced in 1830 and 1863 and rejecting also the idea of class revolution, Dmowski set forth instead a revolution on the model of Ireland, directed towards political gains.” (p. 88). Also: “Dmowski admired most the Poles of Poznan who, under the pressure of the German government and the Deutscher Ostmarkenverein, had developed in defense their own system of financial institutions and social organizations.” (p. 91). In addition, Dmowski encouraged the reading of books (p. 32) and the education of women (p. 49).

DMOWSKI PUSHED BACK AGAINST JEWISH SEPARATISM AND ECONOMIC HEGEMONY

On another topic, Fountain comments: “In regard to the Jews, Dmowski evinced worry over both numbers and separate tradition, the existence of a distinct and highly visible nation within a nation, speaking another language, holding a different religion, and occupying pivotal positions in finance and trade.” p. 31). Also: “Personal experience may have been influential in Dmowski’s anti-Semitism. Growing up in Warsaw during an era of Jewish expansion, he would have found some 90 percent of the shopkeepers of his native city to have been Jewish, a large percentage of the private banks under Jewish control, and a small but growing and influential Jewish professional class.” (p. 111). The preoccupation of key socioeconomic niches by Jews had prevented Poland’s normal development by delaying and hindering the emergence of a Polish middle class (p. 95), and that of financially-knowledgeable Poles. (p. 199). In addition, the Litvaks (Russian Jews) had been a Russifying and radicalizing element. (p. 111).

Dmowski believed that Jews in general placed their interests ahead of that of the Polish nation–but then again so did the Polish nobility. (p. 109). Contrary to the view that Jews were made into scapegoats for Polish problems, Dmowski found fault with many peoples, including his fellow Poles–as this book makes so obvious. At no time did Dmowski blame Jews for the crucifixion of Christ, and at no time did he toy with Nazi-style racial notions. (p. 109). Dmowski denied hating Jews (p. 202), and, while contending that Polish Jews were too numerous to assimilate (p. 159), accepted the premise that individual Jews could become loyal Poles. (p. 81, 109).

FORGET THE MUCH-OVERUSED FASCIST LABEL

Dmowski was no proto-fascist (pp. 158-160), and he opposed the ONR (O.N.R). His position mostly closely coincided with that of Irish nationalist Charles Stewart Parnell. (p. 161).

Fountain thus summarizes the essence of Dmowski’s thought: “Those nations which did not compete successfully in the struggle for existence would be swallowed up, their best elements assimilated into the stronger nations around them.” (p. 102). Let this serve as a sobering wake-up to the “Euro-enthusiasts”, and other LEWAK Poles who think that patriotism is unimportant or outdated!