Ancient Not Modern Origins of Nationalism Smith

The Ethnic Origins of Nations, by Anthony D. Smith. 1988

Primordialism: Nations Are An Ancient Concept, and Not Children of the Industrial Revolution. Elements of Polish National Self-Identity

Nowadays, leftists, globalists, and Euro-enthusiasts would have us belief that nations and nationalism are arbitrary, recent inventions. This makes it easier to justify their abolition in favor of provinces in the European Union and provinces in a future world government. The facts are otherwise.

The author (review based on the 1987 edition) provides a wealth of information and analysis, and I can only focus on a few topics. Although the modernist position may be correct, in the strict sense, in that MODERN concepts of nation-state, nationality, nationalism, etc., date back only a few centuries, there is also evidence for the antiquity of these “modern” notions. Smith introduces ETHNIE as an ethnic community (p. 4), and then supports the primordialist position.

NATIONALISM IN ANTIQUITY

The author shows how the nation was, or became, an extension of ETHNIE. He writes, (quote) The nation is far more inclusive and far more able to mobilize its membership than any ETHNIE…In antiquity, too, ETHNIE sought to maintain themselves within fairly compact borders and utilize their mineral and agricultural resources: Sumerians, Egyptians, Chinese, Greeks, Jews and Romans were all convinced of their superiority and advantages of their terrain, and Pliny the Elder thought the people of Rome outstanding, POPULUS VICTOR GENIUM. The only difference with modern nations in this respect is their greater ability in harnessing the homeland’s resources…So far, then, modern nations simply extend, deepen, and streamline the ways in which member of ETHNIE associated and communicated. They do not introduce startingly novel elements, or change the goals of human association and communication. (unquote). (p. 215).

THE ANTIQUITY OF THE CONCEPT OF A NATION’S RIGHTFULLY-OWNED TERRITORIES

In addition, Smith comments, (quote) Again, in the ancient world, we find movements that appear to resemble modern nationalism in several respects, notably a desire to liberate territories conquered by aliens, or to resist foreign encroachments, like the Ionian resistance to Persian expansion in the late sixth century B. C. or the Gallic resistance to Caesar’s campaigns. There is even an ancient analogue for the modern system of nation-states in the Tell-el-Amarna period of the fourteenth century B. C., when a number of powerful nations–New Kingdom Egypt, the Hittite Empire, and kingdom of Mitanni and Kassite Babylon–were engaged in a complex network of diplomatic and military alliances and conflicts, such as was much later to characterize Europe in the modern period. (unquote). (p. 11). Movements to re-acquire lost territories, thought to belong to the community, also go back to antiquity, and Smith gives several examples to this. (p. 51).

THE ORIGIN OF NATIONS IN THE MODERN SENSE

Nations, as we know them, began over 1,000 years ago. This included the gradual unification of Saxon and Frankish kings of the territories of what became known as “England”. Unified Spanish, Swedish, and Polish states also emerged about this time. (p. 130).

Author Smith identifies the main features of modern nations. He writes, (quote) First, nations are…processes, albeit long term ones…Second, nations require ethnic cores if they are to survive. If they lack one, they must “re-invent” one… Fourth–nations need homelands. Not just terrain in which to nurture their identities, unities and autonomies, but historic territories in which “our ancestors” lived and which “we carry in our hearts”…Finally, nations need heroes and golden ages. (unquote). (pp. 212-213).

Nations can have strong, cohesive ethnic cores that can have large minorities, and can incorporate, even acculturate, neighboring ETHNIE. Such nations include Poland, Romania, Greece, Turkey, etc. (p. 212).

MODERN NATIONAL IDENTITY AND CITIZENSHIP

In common with many authors, Smith sees the concept of nation as something that, until about the last two centuries, was confined to the upper classes, as in Poland (p.166, 258), and which was eventually spread to the lower classes. However, could the same not be said of countless other elements once largely limited to the upper classes and now almost universal–such as freedom from subsistence agriculture, and availability of literacy, education, rights of suffrage, land ownership, etc.?

One must also remember that the concept of nation, and nationalism, grew with time in into large, formal institutions, but so did countless other enterprises. For instance, consider education. In ancient times, education consisted of a small, informal, ad hoc system of private tutors hired to work with children of people of means. Nowadays, we have public education, and it is a huge, systematic enterprise.

UPDATE: THE NOTION THAT “POLISH NATION” ONCE REFERRED ONLY TO THE NOBILITY, AND EXCLUDED THE PEASANTRY AS MEMBERS OF THE POLISH NATION, IS A MYTH

Detailed research by David Althoen shows that there never was a time when commoners, such as the peasants, were not recognized as part of the Polish nation. See my review:

ELEMENTS OF MODERN NATIONAL IDENTITIES

Music is often used to celebrate a nation’s past, and to celebrate its glories. Smith brings up the music of Vryzakis and Korais in Greece, Matejko and Chopin in Poland, etc. (p. 194).

National identity often includes the memory of a past that no longer exists, and symbols, structures, and national monuments support this memory. As examples, Smith mentions Windsor and Warwick, Wawel and Warsaw. (p. 186). (The Germans knew this, and, during their occupation of Poland during WWII, blew up the Royal Castle in Warsaw. The Soviet-imposed Communists knew this also, for which reason they did not allow its rebuilding until decades after WWII).

Priesthoods and religious organizations play a major role in the national identity of nations such as Ireland, Poland, Iran, Argentina, and, to a partial extent, Israel. (p. 159). Ethnic communities commonly have sacred centers, and these become the foci of pilgrimages. Smith compares the Black Madonna at Yasna Gora [Jasna Gora] in Poland with the Kaaba in Mecca. (pp. 28-29). Smith also compares the Yasna Gora monastery with the sacred monasteries of Lhasa, which serves as a sacred, patriotic focus for the Tibetans. (p. 188; see also p. 213). Although the author does not mention this, the foregoing helps explain why the LEWAKs (Polish leftists), neo-Stalinists, etc., wage war against Polish religion and tradition. They cannot hope to denationalize the Poles unless they do so.

Why did modern nationalism arise? Smith comments, quote (p. 176) In any case, nostalgia for one’s ethnic past has become more acute and more widespread and persistent in the modern era, with the decline of tradition and salvation religions. In this sense, ethnic nationalism becomes a “surrogate” religion which aims to overcome the sense of futility engendered by the removal of any vision of an existence after death, by linking individuals to persisting communities whose generations form indissoluble links in a chain of memories and identities. (unquote). (p. 176). However, this does not explain the simultaneous strength of both salvation religion and nationalism, such as in Poland.