Polonophobic Memes Communist Propaganda Old Shnayderman

Between Fear and Hope, by Shnayderman. 947

This Post-WII Pro-Communist Jewish Author Evidently Served as a Template for Jan T. Gross (FEAR) and His Attacks on Poland Today. Uncanny Similarities

See for yourself. Read this 1947 book by Shneiderman (Shnayderman) and then read Jan T. Gross 2007 book, FEAR. You will be hard pressed to avoid thinking that you are reading the same book!

The Polonophobic themes and the memes are almost identical. For example: There is the one-sided portrayal of Poles rejoicing at Jewish deaths during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (p. 74). Kazimierz Wyka is quoted as saying that the absence of a Quisling under the German occupation had prevented anti-Semitism from becoming discredited among Poles (pp. 45-46). Accounts of Jews allegedly killed by Poles are elaborated, and always presented without verification and in a contextual vacuum. Poles are portrayed as unilaterally resisting postwar Jewish re-acquisitions of their properties. The so-called Kielce Pogrom is naively presented as the outcome of Poles acting on their belief in the blood libel. The church is blamed for its “slow” and ineffective response, and the Pogrom is magnified into a horrible blight upon all of Poland.

MORE COMMUNIST MEMES–STILL USED TODAY

All along, Shneiderman displays his undisguised biases, as by calling the Lublin government a “progressive” one (p. 116), by praising Hilary Minc (pp. 36-37), etc. Not once does he mention the tens to hundreds of thousands of Poles murdered by the Communist terror police (the UB). Not surprisingly, Shneiderman uses the phrase “Polish fascists” quite liberally [just as the LEWAKS do today]. He often repeats stock allegations straight out of Communist propaganda: That the anti-Communist forces were terrorists (p. 15), that the N.S.Z (NSZ) habitually killed Jews and other innocent people (p. 202), that the BRYGADA SWIETOKRZYSKA (Holy Cross Brigade) of the NSZ had fought on the side of the Nazis (pp. 212-213), that Polish nationalists were responsible for the Kielce Pogrom (p. 86), etc.

[Most if not all of these memes are repeated to this day by the well-named neo-Stalinists and by the LEWACTWO].

For more on how Jan T. Gross has evidently parroted much of this book, see:

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There is also some interesting information provided by Shnayderman. Owing to the fact that he is very anti-Polish, the reader can rest assured that Shnayderman is not trying to be an apologist for Poles.

RUSSIAN-SERVING JEWS HELP STOKE THE KIELCE POGROM

One of the factors behind the Kielce Pogrom was the arrival of Jews from Russia with their privileges under the new Soviet puppet state. Without probably intending to, author Shayderman (Shneiderman) corroborates this: “Quite different is the attitude of the Jewish refugees who returned from Russia with the new Polish army and were given important positions in the government.” (p. 45).

HALLMARKS OF CONSPIRACY: THE SO-CALLED KIELCE POGROM HAD BEEN WELL PLANNED IN ADVANCE

Shneiderman mentions the disarming of the Jews living on Planty Street just before the ostensibly-spontaneous mob action: “When the excited crowd began to gather in front of the community house, he [Jehiel Rosenkranz] related, two uniformed men came inside. Claiming that they represented the military authorities, they ransacked the house. They found a few pistols which they confiscated, together with some money and other valuables.” (pp. 90-91). Armed units were also responsible elsewhere in Kielce: “When we left the police building, we learned about an additional pogrom that had taken place while the slaughter in Planty Street was coming to an end. This new pogrom was the work of four members of the Kielce police–the militiamen Stefan Mazur, Kazimierz Nowakowski, Jozef Sliwa, and Antoni Pruszkowski. Realizing that some Jews living on Leonarda Street had been forgotten by the mob, they decided to do their `patriotic duty'” (p. 95).

THOSE TRAIN POGROMS

The following account of the murders of Jews in trains near Kielce, if accurate, speaks of an obvious, clumsily staged event: “When the train was approaching the station, a man wearing an armband with the English inscription, ‘Poland’, suddenly appeared in his car. (Such armbands are worn by the soldiers of General Anders’ Army). The soldier spoke to the passengers, encouraging them to murder all the Jews on the train because fifteen ritual murders had been committed in Kielce.” (pp. 97-98). Can anyone be naïve enough to believe that a pro-Anders soldier would actually dress in this way and in English at that!

JEWS WERE READY TO BELIEVE THE MOST FANTASTIC NEGATIVE THINGS ABOUT POLES

Shneiderman describes the Jewish reaction to Kielce: “There were rumors that the underground forces had seized Jewish hostages and threatened to murder them if the Kielce death sentences were carried out. These fantastic rumors were believed, and the idea that Jews were being held as hostages seemed somehow more terrible than the fact of the pogroms.” (p. 158). If accurate, this shows that Poland’s Jews readily accepted Communist propaganda. And, just as some Poles were ready to believe anything negative about Jews (e. g., the blood libel) so evidently many Jews were ready to believe anything negative about Poles–no matter how grandiose.

JEWISH-NAZI COLLABORATION

Author Shneiderman steps away from Communist propaganda as he expresses the following opinion of the Jewish ghetto police: “The `Jewish police’ whom the Nazis had succeeded in recruiting from the Jewish underworld and the assimilated strata of Jewish professionals, had played in hideous role in the manhunts.” (p. 64).

HOW THE GERMAN-MADE HOLOCAUST FREED THE POLES FROM JEWISH ECONOMIC HEGEMONY

Shneiderman, in contrasting postwar with prewar Poland, alludes to the former role of Poland’s Jews and the tacit reality of prewar Jewish economic overlordship: “Every peasant and artisan personally brings his wares for sale. Gone is the traditional Jewish middleman who used to bring the peasants’ produce to the city and the most essential industrial articles to the village. The role of the Jewish middleman has now been taken over by inexperienced peasants, city workers, and intellectuals, who seem intoxicated by their new roles as businessmen and who, in their helplessness, create a much greater noise and bustle in the streets of Warsaw than the Jews ever did.” (p. 23). One can perhaps comprehend why many Polish peasants saw the disappearance of the Jews as a liberating thing.