Property Restitution 1997 Law Baseless Tych

Jewish Presence in Absence: The Aftermath of the Holocaust in Poland, 1944-2010, by Tych Feliks & Adamczyk-Garbowska Monika Tych. 2015

Holocaust Industry 1997 Act is Legally Baseless. Polish-Jewish Two-Way Prejudices. 1968 Jew-Removal Insights–Not All the Fault of the Poles

Most of this work is nothing new: It largely consists of all the customary Pole-accusing and Holocaust Supremacist memes. Moreover, Polish scholars who dissent from the standard Judeocentric narrative are labelled “right wing” or “nationalist”. [If name-calling is to be done at all, then why, instead of using misleading and emotive terms such as “nationalist” on one hand and “not real Poles” on the other, not call them “Judeo-independent” on one hand and “Judeo-compliant” on the other?]

This thick, single volume also has much content on Polish-Jewish cultural events, but it is presented in a rosy fashion. For instance, the descriptions of the Marches of the Living (Slawomir Kapralski, pp. 626-627) overlook the massive disrespect to Poland that Israeli teenagers regularly exhibit.

From now on, I overlook the Polonophobic content in this book and focus on novel information.

HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY PREVIEW: A SURVEY OF PRE-WWII JEWISH COMMUNAL PROPERTIES

Eleonora Bergman and Jan Jagielski point out that, in religious Judaism, cemeteries are the most important, followed by the ritual bath (MIKVAH), the synagogue, and finally the lesser communal institutions (schools, hospitals, orphanages, libraries, etc.). (p. 543).

The authors estimate that there were 10,000 synagogues in Poland in her interwar borders, of which about 60% are located within her post-Yalta territories, in addition to 23 KRISTALLNACHT- and war-surviving synagogues on the Recovered Territories. (p. 542). For cemeteries, the figures are 2,000-2,500 (again 60% of which are in today’s Poland) and about 200 on the Recovered territories. (p. 543).

Interestingly, Polish law, since 1945, allows that a cemetery that has been closed, with no further burials carried out, can be used for other purposes after 40 years. (p. 550). In contrast, religious Jews believe that cemeteries should be untouched until the Messiah comes (p. 550) or unless all the remains are removed and buried elsewhere. (p. 543).

Already by July 1974, of 522 surveyed Jewish cemeteries in Poland, 410 of them were not only disused and lacking maintenance, but also were nearly totally decrepit. They had all or nearly all of the perimeter fence/wall gone, and moreover had few or no headstones. (p. 551).

HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY: JEWISH GROUPS FIGHT IT OUT OVER WHO GETS TO PROFIT AT POLAND’S EXPENSE

Eyewitness Helena Datner describes the arguments, related to the 1997 Act, between Poland’s Union of Jewish Religious Communities (UJRC) and the international World Jewish Restitution Organization (WJRO), over who is the deserving self-appointed “virtual heir” to Poland’s Holocaust-murdered Jews, and for any spoils that are forthcoming. She adds that, “The conflict also had an ideological dimension: Some of the [WJRO] organization’s representatives denied the leaders of Polish-Jewish organizations the right to call themselves Jews on account of the non-HALAKHIC origin (according to Jewish law) of some of them, and because they branded Jewish community leaders and members who had not left Poland after the war as ‘traitors’. The author was a witness to such statements in the course of those negotiations.” (p. 765).

Evidently money talks, and there is no business like Shoah business.

HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY: CLAIMS AGAINST POLAND HAVE NO VALIDITY ON THE BASIS OF LAW

Monika Krawczyk tells it all, “The author worked with the Claims Conference, the World Jewish Restitution Organization, the Holocaust Restitution Committee, and other organizations representing Polish Jews who used to own real property. She noted that, owing to their experiences in Poland and the brief post-war period, some members of these organizations did not grasp the difference between the nationalization pursuant to the law of the People’s Republic of Poland and the confiscations effected according to German law during the occupation. They did not take into account that, during the Second World War, Poland was not a sovereign state and hence not formally accountable for the wartime losses of its citizens. Therefore, Poland cannot and, ACCORDING TO INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC LAW, DOES NOT HAVE TO RECOMPENSE FOR THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE HOLOCAUST…For the same reason, demands by Jewish organizations for compensation for Jewish assets that were left without inheritors, because they were murdered by the Nazis, are groundless on any principles other than justice arising from higher morality. Nevertheless, such assets did fall into somebody’s hands. Among the beneficiaries were the State Treasury, which is often, to this day, pursuant to Article 935 of the Civil Code, the ultimate inheritor, where no testament was left by the owner, other natural or legal persons by adverse possession, or through acts of nationalization mentioned above and subsequent transformations in the ownership structure.” (Emphasis Added; p. 816).

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NO BASIS FOR GUESSTIMATES OF FUGITIVE-JEWISH SURVIVORSHIP RATES

Ewa Koziminska-Frejlak resurrects the research of Teresa Prekerowa, though she points out that Prekerowa’s figures are not research or estimates, but only intuitions. Prekerowa had suggested that 50% of the Jews in hiding, in German-occupied Poland, had survived the war. (p. 958).

[Neo-Stalinist Jan Grabowski, on the other hand, has arbitrarily claimed a fantastic 250,000 fugitive Jews, implying a survivorship rate as low as 16%. Any figure for survivorship rate (Grabowski’s, Prekerowa’s, or anyone else’s), is obviously in the realm of wild speculation, not fact.]

JEWISH PREJUDICES AGAINST THE GOYIM

Antoni Sulek discusses the work of Irena Hurwic-Nowakowska, ZYDZI POLSCY (1947-1950). It included a section on Jewish prejudices against gentiles. Interestingly, the Israeli edition of the book omitted this content. (p. 1015).

Sulek fills-in the reader on the censored content, ‘…the feeble “GOY’S head (mind)” and the “Jewish head” (mind), which is supposedly far cleverer than the Polish one; “GOYISH luck” (fool’s luck), which goes against the run of things, is undeserved by the Poles and unexpected for Jews; “GOYISH blood,” meaning an explosive nature (“a Pole in a fit of rage can even kill a loved one”), or the opposite, “Jewish heart,” meaning goodness and kindness; and, lastly, “as drunk as a GOY.”’ (p. 1015).

THE REMOVAL OF TOP JEWISH COMMUNISTS IN 1968: A BELATED REACTION TO JEWISH ETHNIC SOLIDARITY?

The standard explanations for the events of 1968 are Polish anti-Semitism (what else) and the Soviet Union’s anti-Zionist campaign in the wake of its humiliation in the June 1967 War. Is that all?

Author Grzegorz Berendt alludes to another explanation, one long in the making, and related to the alleged tendency of high-level Jewish Communists to promote each other at the expense of ethnic Polish Communists. Berendt quotes from a May 1956 minutes of the Central Committee’s Politburo, as stated by Chairman of the State Council Aleksander Zawadzki. The latter asks, “‘Can it be that I am driven by hate or maybe antisemitism? Comrades, I must confess to you that, for many years, my heart was aching when I watched what was going on. Berman would place Jewish comrades in all leading positions, and not only good, old comrades: Swiatlo, Romkowski, Fejgin, Rozanski, Brystiger, and Czaplicki. How can one explain this to oneself?’” (pp. 428-42).