Polonophobic Memes Propounded Gross

The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and Its Aftermath, by István Deák, Jan Tomasz Gross (Editor). 2000

Combines Facts and Gross Mischaracterizations (Pardon the Pun)

Two chapters of this book detract from whatever is worthwile in the rest. They repeat the standard Pole-demeaning fare. For example:

POLES RESCUING JEWS: NEVER ENOUGH

The title of this review has an intentional double meaning, as Jan T. Gross shows us the depths of convoluted reasoning that Polonophobes willingly go through to unfairly blame Poles for not aiding more Jews. More Poles are honored at Yad Vashem for saving Jews than any other nationality. Paulsson (SECRET CITY) has shown that, at least for Warsaw’s Jews, the limiting factor in Jewish survival was the infrequency of Jews fleeing the ghettoes. It was NOT Polish “inaction”. Nor was it the rate of Polish betrayal of fugitive Jews. Had more Jews sought Polish help, more Jews would have been saved.

THE STANDARD, CANNED ANTI-POLISH INNUENDO

Gross cites some indicators of what he supposes to be the “diffuse hostility of Poles to Jews” and then, without any evidence, jumps to the conclusion that this made Poles disinclined to help Jews. In fact, the acknowledged anti-Semitic beliefs of many Polish rescuers of Jews argue for the opposite. The long history of considerable Jewish disloyalty to Poland, the most recent instance of which was the large-scale Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles (Gross’ attempts to minimize it notwithstanding) was a major cause of Polish hostility to Jews.

THE RATHER SILLY ARGUMENT ABOUT THE UNIMPORTANCE OF THE GERMAN-IMPOSED DEATH PENALTY

Not done yet, Jan Gross would have us believe that, since Poles already defied the German-imposed death penalty in numerous ways, they could just as easily have defied it by saving many more Jews–had they only wanted to. But his equating of various risky behaviors carrying the death penalty is transparently ridiculous, and he, being from Poland, should know better (unless, of course, he has discarded all semblance of objectivity). Gross disingenuously cites Polish incurrence of the death penalty through considerable “black marketeering”. Common sense teaches that it is incomparably easier to hide contraband food than to hide (and feed) a living fugitive Jewish human being! The same holds for livestock slaughtered without German authorization, firearms, radios, and other verboten objects. Assuredly, the Germans directed far greater attention to fugitive Jews than to Polish “black marketers”. Also, Gross overlooks the fact that German officials could often be bribed to spare from death a Pole who was caught “black marketeering”, etc., but seldom for helping a Jew.

Gross also falsely conflates the risk of Polish participation in the Underground with that of hiding Jews. In actuality, successful participation in the Underground required one to live an inconspicuous double life that was in some ways the opposite of the overt risky behaviors necessary to save Jews. Numerous Polish guerillas nevertheless fell into German hands. Gross also exaggerates the significance of Poles covering up for each other. Contrary to Gross’ selectively quoted anecdotes, membership in the Underground was a closely-guarded secret. Even close neighbors often had no inkling of each other’s involvement in the Underground until they both came out in open warfare during Operation Burza (Tempest) during the closing months of the German occupation.

WHY DIDN’T THE POLES “DO MORE” FOR JEWS…OR, FOR THAT MATTER, FOR POLES!

Despite significant efforts by the Underground to hide them, some 50% of all educated Poles were found and murdered by the Germans. Hiding a fugitive Jew from the Germans was far harder than hiding a fugitive Pole, as most Polish Jews had easily recognizable characteristics, and didn’t blend readily into Polish society. Gross also ignores the fact that all Polish Underground activity was carefully weighed for maximum military benefit for the cost in terms of German reprisals. More extensive assistance to Jews would have triggered commensurate German action against Poles, and excessive incitement of German terror, resulting from any Underground action(s), would have discredited the Underground in the eyes of the Polish population.

BEGGING THE QUESTION

Gross engages in blatant circular reasoning when he (selectively) cites some Polish rescuers of Jews who claim not to have been intimidated by the death penalty in order to “prove” its unimportance in the rescue of Jews. That’s like going to a convention of blue-car owners, and, examining the cars parked there, arguing that all US cars are blue. Most absurd of all is Gross’ mention of the Warsaw Uprising as evidence of the irrelevance of the death penalty in informing Polish conduct. In actuality, the Uprising was planned to eject the Germans within a few days, with minimal casualties, just prior to the arrival of the Red Army. No one could have foreseen the Soviet betrayal and ensuing 63-day agony, the deaths by combat and murder of a quarter million Poles, and subsequent destruction of Warsaw by vindictive Germans. Finally, not a few Poles have questioned the wisdom of the Warsaw Uprising. This itself is a comeuppance to Gross’ silly argument.

NO POLISH QUISLING GOVERNMENT

Gross takes a cheap shot at Polish heroism by falsely asserting that the absence of a collaborationist government in Poland was only due to Germans unwillingness to have one. That is patently false. Nor is it correct that Poles eschewed organized collaboration because of the brutality of German conduct against them. Other Slavic untermenschen were treated little better, yet some of them formed organized collaborationist units.

JAN T. GROSS AND HIS SELF-REFUTING POLONOPHOBIC REASONING

Ironically and unwittingly, Gross undermines two canons of conventional Holocaust supremacist thinking: The one that belittles Polish suffering (e. g. “collateral damage”), which sounds like intensely-selfish Judeocentrism, and the one that insinuates that Poles implicitly led quasi-normal lives (“spectators” of the Jewish catastrophe).

According to Gross himself, Poles could never have survived on the meager food rations allowed by the Germans (pp. 118-119; whence the Polish “black marketeering”). Moreover, German killing of Poles was so indiscriminate and widespread that Poles obedient to German dictates were little safer than violators. Sounds like Polish and Jewish victimization, on a per capita basis, was much less different than commonly portrayed! In any case, how can Poles be blamed for not saving more Jews when Poles themselves faced a desperate shortage of food, and were otherwise necessarily preoccupied with their OWN physical survival under the German occupation?