Polonophobic Memes Holocaust Santorski
Difficult Questions In Polish Jewish Dialogue, by Jacek Santorski.
The Same Canned Judeocentric and Endlessly-Repeated Polonophobic Memes. So-Called Polish-Jewish Dialogue
This book is in a question-and-answer format, encompassing very basic matters, with answers that don’t go deep. For instance, the 1968 expulsion of Jews is barely connected to the fact that it was a Soviet-directed collective retaliation against Jews for Israel’s humiliation of the USSR in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Feliks Tych (p. 80) mentions the fact that German-occupation-era rural Poles commonly viewed fugitive Jews as bandits, but not the fact that many fugitive Jews indeed engaged in large-scale banditry, either on their own or as part of the “revolutionary banditry” of the Communist GL-AL bands.
SO-CALLED POLISH-JEWISH DIALOGUE: JEWS IN DIALOGUE WITH THOSE POLES THAT AGREE WITH JEWISH ATTACKS ON POLAND
There is a limited range of perspectives in this book, with the same relatively small circle of authors (e. g., Yisrael Gutman, Fr. John Pawlikowski) always invited to write for Jewish-Polish books. Although there is some discussion about the erroneous ways that many Jews see Poles, the content of the book is one-sided Judeocentric. Thus, we have the predictable mention of past Church teachings on Jews and the Crucifixion (deicide), but, even more predictable, nothing about the equally hostile Jewish teachings against Christianity, and how not a few Jews thought of themselves as innately morally superior to gentiles. Past Polish anti-Semitism is repeatedly brought up, but not the past and present antagonizing conduct of Jews that was definitely a factor in its causation. We read of the Endek-led boycotts of Jews, but not the antecedent separate-nation status that Polish Jews had arrogated themselves, often acting at odds with Polish national interests. Predictably, we read about the complicity of Poles in the massacre of Jews at Jedwabne, but nothing about the complicity of Jews in the massacres of Poles at Naliboki and Koniuchy.
EXCUSING JEWISH FALSEHOODS ABOUT POLAND
Laurence Weinbaum (p. 130) basically soft-pedals the Jewish tendency to consider Poles partly responsible for the Holocaust. Evidently, to him, dissatisfaction with the past Jewish situation in Poland is an excuse for engaging in such bigotry. Ireneusz Krzeminski levels a cheap shot at RADIO MARYJA listeners by making sweeping accusations of them being anti-Semitic. (p. 155).
ANOTHER “POLES OWE JEWS” PROMO FOR THE HOLOCAUST INDUSTRY
Stanislaw Krajewski (p. 189) creates a contrived ambiguity, about property re-acquisitions, when he asserts that foreign Jewish organizations or the State of Israel have some sort of a valid claim to heirless Jewish properties in Poland. This is nonsense. (Imagine some self-appointed Italian organization showing up in the US and demanding that it be paid the value of the heirless properties of Italian-Americans killed in the war.) Also, Krajewski conveniently fails to mention the Holocaust Industry and its demand of 65 billion dollars–an amount which, even if legitimately owed, would bankrupt Poland.
GRAFFITI IN POLAND
Marcin Kornak (p. 157-on) makes a big issue of anti-Semitic graffiti in Poland without presenting any evidence that it is unusually common. Also, he fails to contextualize it. For instance, think of the Soviet-era defacing of sacred objects in the Polish Lyczakow Cemetery, in Lwow, by local Ukrainians and Russians. Finally, the attempt to extort “reparations” money, by the Holocaust Industry, is not mentioned as a major provocation of anti-Semitic graffiti in Poland (for example, the cartoon of the hook-nosed Jew coming to Poland to fill his bags with money).
ZYDOKOMUNA: THE LARGELY-JEWISH BEZPIEKA LEADERSHIP
Andrzej Paczkowski (p. 91) repeats his study indicating that 29% of the leaders of the hated postwar Communist security forces (U. B., or Bezpieka), responsible for torturing and murdering tens of thousands of Poles, were Jews. (More recent studies indicate 37%). Not mentioned is the fact that Jews were then only 1% of Poland’s population. Paczkowski rejects the contention that Stalin purposely chose Jews (because he knew that they would be completely dependent upon him) as lacking evidentiary support. (p. 92). In fact, directives from Moscow sought to reduce the proportion of Jews in Poland’s puppet government.
Predictably, the prior Polish treatment of Jews is cited as exculpation for the strong Jewish over-involvement in Communism. This will not do. Polish peasants had an even lower standard of living than Poland’s Jews, and were trapped in an unjust, holdover feudal system. Yet their support for Communism was minimal.
HOLOCAUST-RELATED ACCUSATIONS
As for the Holocaust, we have the usual “Poles did not do enough” and “Most Poles were indifferent” charges related to Polish aid to Jews. However, a few of the authors do recognize the Poles’ limitations: “One of the reasons for the lack of reaction and intervention on the part of the Polish populace was the Poles’ own situation under the brutal terrors of Nazi occupation, including humiliation and enormous difficulty in fulfilling the most elementary of human needs.” (Yisrael Gutman, p. 45). “The vast majority of the population was immobilized by fear of survival and the battle for everyday existence under conditions of intense Nazi terror.” (Bartoszewski, p. 51). “When can taking rent for an apartment where Jews were hidden be called a motive of greed and when must it be seen as providing for a bare necessity?…It should be recognized that the extreme poverty and starvation experienced by the entire population made giving any form of aid to another person much more difficult.” (Kozlowski, p. 71, 74). Unfortunately, the authors barely make the connection between the trauma faced by Poles and the emergence of the szmalcowniki (blackmailers of fugitive Jews), which parallels the trauma-induced conduct of certain Judenrat members in the ghettos.
WHEN THERE IS SO MUCH SMOKE THERE MUST BE FIRE. RIGHT? WRONG
Negative assessments of Polish conduct during the Holocaust are said to be validated by the large number of negative experiences alleged in Jewish testimonies (e. g., Gutman, p. 45). Using the same logic, one could defend the accuracy of the blood libel based on the numerous places and times that it was reported as occurring. Also, lachrymose Jewish testimonies have a poor track record of veracity when subject to independent verification. For instance, the massive 1918-1920 pogroms occurring in Poland turned out to be 95% unfounded. Jerzy Kosinski’s widely-acclaimed “autobiographical” PAINTED BIRD (still widely used today in the US classroom) turned out to be a series of Polonophobic tall tales.
OLD MYTHS ABOUT POLISH NON-COLLABORATION
Konstanty Gebert (p. 197), a journalist and writer for the left-wing George Soros funded GAZETA WYBORCZA, repeats the absurd argument that the Germans hated the Poles too much to want any Polish collaborators. Germans hated Jews too, yet appointed collaborators (e. g., the Jewish ghetto police), and even eventually allowed the untermenschen (Slavs and Asiatics) to become members of the SS. Several prominent Poles were approached about forming a quisling government, but they all refused.
THE SO-CALLED MARCHES OF THE LIVING
Several chapters discuss meetings of Polish and Israeli youth, presenting them in a rosy light. Not mentioned is the fact that Israeli youth who come to the March of the Living, and who should be the ones most informed about the Holocaust, actually ask “what kind of pensions those Polish guards at Auschwitz are getting”. This cannot be accidental. Who teaches them such hateful anti-Polish falsehoods?
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