Polonophobia Cure Polish Achievements Cameron

The New Poland, by Charles O. Cameron. 2011

Polish Achievements: A Cure for Polonophobia. Undemonizing Dmowski: The Importance of the Duma Elections to Polish National Aspirations

OLD POLAND: IN NO SENSE A DEN OF BACKWARDNESS, ESPECIALLY ON HUMAN RIGHTS

The author describes the first few centuries of Poland’s existence as a nation [My review based on original 1919 edition]: “Poland had a chain of great universities while Russia scarcely had schools. And Poland had a limited monarchy centuries ago, while Russia could not limit the Czar [tsar] until she dethroned him.” (p. 7). The rights of the individual were always paramount in Polish thinking: “Seventy years before Columbus sailed to the discovery of America, the nobles imposed a new limitation on the sovereign. The property of nobles was recognized as inviolate. And the nobles in Poland were not a small and limited class, but a large representative body including one-eighth of the entire population…Eight years afterward…`No one shall be imprisoned unless condemned by law’…the Polish version of the great legal principle of the Habeas Corpus act.” (p. 24).

THE MAY 3, 1791 CONSTITUTION

While discussing her famous Constitution, the Partitions, and futile insurrections for liberty, Cameron commented: “Poland was the free nation, crucified for human liberty in 1791, in 1831, and 1863.” (p. 27). The Polish Constitution of 1791 freed the serfs, but the Partitions long delayed its implementation. (p. 39).

POLAND NOT AN AGGRESSOR

Poland expanded geographically during the Middle Ages, and anti-Polish commentators have sometimes accused Poland of being imperialistic. Cameron knows better, as he comments: “It required two centuries and many conventions to cement the union between Poland and Lithuania. But in the meantime, there had been other accretions to the Polish territory–West Prussia, Pomerania, Livonia, Courland. In each of these cases, there was no war of conquest, but a voluntary application by the affected states for a union with the Polish state. Family connections made possible temporary unions between Poland and Hungary, but none of these continued.” (p. 11).

Following his line of reasoning further, Cameron entertained the possibility of Poland resurrected in her pre-Partition boundaries: “The Poles declare for self-determination. If the Lithuanians, the Letts, the people of Courland and Esthonia (Estonia) and other lands, wish to establish separate republics, the Polish Republic will greet them gladly. But the Polish Republic expects that in time these republics will add themselves to her, as Texas and Hawaii added themselves to the United States of America. There are other Slavic prophets who foresee an even wider and greater union of states. They look to the east, and see the vast territories inhabited by Ukrainians and Ruthenians joining themselves freely to the future Great Republic.” (p. 78).

OLD AND NEW GERMAN AMBITIONS AGAINST POLAND

Cameron put the just-concluded Great War (now called WWI) in perspective: “Poland’s first struggle with Kaiserism was a struggle with the Hohenstaufen kings of Germany, who usually became also Emperors or Kaisers of the Holy Roman Empire. Repeatedly these German Kaisers of that age sought to compel Poland to obedience as a vassel state, because they saw beyond Poland the vast steppes of a submissive Russia, which in 1318 and 1918 were alluring realms for land-greedy German rulers.” (p. 19). [Decades later, the same lebensraum theme came up in Hitler’s MEIN KAMPF, and, more recently, perhaps tacitly in the form of the European Union.] The author also cites Wilhelm II and his “mad imperial ambition”, and alludes to the Partitions as “…noble republic was torn asunder by the plots of Frederick and Great.” (p. 17).

“RUSSIAN” BALLET WAS ACTUALLY POLISH

The Russians, too, did their share of oppressing and despoiling Poland. Cameron wrote: “There are many things for which Poland deserves honor, but has not been honored. The famous Russian ballet of Petrograd was originally a Polish ballet in Warsaw…the old Royal Library of Warsaw. After the Russian occupation, this immense collection of 1,500,000 books and manuscripts was taken to Petrograd, to form the foundation of the Imperial Library. If Poles had not loved and known literature, Russia might not have had an Imperial Library.” (p. 33).

THE PARTITIONS OF POLAND WERE A CRIME

Scottish philosopher and judge Sir James Mackintosh studied the Partitions of Poland, and condemned them vigorously. Mackintosh remarked: “`No single cause has contributed so much as the partition of Poland to alienate mankind from ancient institutions and loosen their respect for established governments…'”. (p. 85).

THE MYTH OF DMOWSKI BEING GENUINELY (AS OPPOSED TO TACTICALLY) PRO-RUSSIAN

For over a century after the Partitions, Poland languished under foreign rule. Cameron assessed Dmowski’s Endek movement as follows: “So in 1886, only five years after the assassination of Alexander II, the Polish League was formed in the Russian section. The object of this league was to carry on a new propaganda of Nationalism among the Polish peasants, a propaganda based upon history and literature. The Polish peasant was inspired with the ideal of a new Poland. It was not to be a kingdom of inherited or elective dynasties. It was to be a self-governing unit. The hopes of the peasants were not raised too high. The first aim was for autonomy within the Russian empire. Independence was to be gained in the fullness of time. The movement at first was secret, perilous. Later, the lighter rule of Nicholas II permitted more open agitation. The movement took the name of the National Democratic Polish party. Then was seen the real spirit of the New Poland, for the peasants, the villagers, the gentry, the middle classes, the nobility, all seemed to be coming more and more closely together.” (p. 39).

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE DUMA TO POLISH NATIONAL ASPIRATIONS

Cameron continued: “Then came the Russian partial revolution of 1905, followed by the calling of the Duma. There were elections in Russian Poland, and in every single district the National Democratic Polish party elected its candidate. This showed that the new movement represented the whole Polish people, rich and poor.” (pp. 39-40).

The author does not mention the 1912 elections, and how the Jews, essentially thinking and functioning as a separate nation, defied Polish will by electing a very-leftist pro-Russian candidate. However, in view of the evident importance of the Duma elections, it is hardly surprising that the Jewish action was recognized as a direct affront to Polish national aspirations. Dmowski then returned the favor by first organizing the much-criticized boycotts of Jews.