Polish-Jewish Relations: 1,300 Keyword-Phrase-Indexed Book Reviews (by Jan Peczkis)


ONR Not Unilaterally AntiMinority Siemaszko

Narodowe Siły Zbrojne, by Zbigniew S Siemaszko.

ONR Platform: Not Fascist or Nazi-Imitating, Not Pro-Privileged, Not Unilaterally Anti-Minority, and Not an Advocate of Imperialistic Nationalism

THE NATIONAL ARMED FORCES is the title of this Polish-language book, although it gives few details about the WWII combat operations of the NSZ guerillas. Relying on primary-source documents which are printed out, it gives considerable insight into the ONR (O. N. R.), the National Radical Camp.

THE ONR WAS NOT FASCIST

The LEWACTWO has always freely thrown around the label of fascism towards groups with whom it disagrees. Not surprisingly, the ONR has commonly been misunderstood and misrepresented as Polish fascism. [Decades ago, not knowing any better, I had asked a onetime ONR member and friend of my father, Mr. Stefan Marcinkowski, if he once had to wear a uniform similar to that of Mussolini’s Blackshirts. He just laughed.]

The ONR favored a non-totalitarian form of government that also rejected the weaknesses of democracy. (p. 13, 69, 76). Although the ONR promoted fervent nationalism, it rejected the cult of the absolute leader (Fuhrer, Duce, etc.)(p. 203). Instead of being state-centered or racialist-centered, ONR ideology was Catholic-centered (as a system of values, not in a Church or clerical sense.)(e. g., p. 13, 241).

CONTRARY TO COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA, THE ONR WAS NOT A TOOL OF THE PRIVILEGED

Both socialist-style collectivism and unbridled capitalism were rejected. (pp. 80-81). The ONR’ s position stated that big businesses cause social injustice, and are harmful to Poland in that they are owned by foreigners and Jews, in effect making Poland their colony. (p. 12). [Much as exists today as a result of Poland’s membership in the European Union].

A system of small businesses was seen as the one that was most compatible with Catholic values. (p. 81). The ONR also favored agrarian reform, in which every peasant would have the right to own a sizeable piece of land. (p. 242).

THE ONR: NOT IMPERIALISTIC NATIONALISM

Although the ONR was a revolutionary movement that advocated violence as necessary, including street violence (p. 16), its ranks were, unlike those of the early Italian fascists and German Nazis, largely free of the criminal element. (p. 16). At no time did the ONR’ s position partake of expansionist or imperialist nationalism. It accepted the permanence of the Riga eastern border, and rejected any idea of resurrecting pre-Partition Poland in any form.

Before WWII, the ONR had suggested that Poland follow neither a pro-Soviet nor pro-German orientation. Instead, Poland should be allied with other middle-European states, such as Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania. (p. 75).

THE ONR: NOT UNILATERALLY ANTI-MINORITY

Although the ONR’ s position can be seen as being so pro-Polish as to be anti-minority, this was not unilaterally so. The continued presence of Lithuanians, Byelorussians, and part of the Ukrainians (Rusins) on Polish soil was deemed compatible with Poland’ s interests, insofar as these minorities were deemed susceptible to Polonization. In contrast, Germans, Jews, and hostile Ukrainians were to be expelled. (p. 12, pp. 82-83).

JEWISH ECONOMIC HEGEMONY PROVOKES ONR HOSTILITY

The ONR’ s position on Jews was admittedly anti-Semitic. (p. 82). Jewish middlemen contributed to the poverty of Poland’ s peasants, and Jewish economic dominance was seen as fundamentally incompatible with Poland’ s interests. (p. 242).

THE ONR NEVER ENDORSED NAZI ACTIONS

When the Holocaust later occurred, the ONR noted that, whereas the Nazi actions had fulfilled ONR’ s goals of a largely Jewish-free Poland, the ONR had never imagined physical extermination of the Jews. Nazi methods were rejected, and an article in SZANIEC (THE RAMPART) stated that: “Murder is not our weapon.” (p. 82).

THE USSR WAS JUST AS MUCH AN ENEMY OF POLAND AS NAZI GERMANY

Unlike the AK (ARMIA KRAJOWA), the NSZ permanently considered the Soviets to be just as much enemies as the Nazis, an opposed any fighting on behalf of the advancing Red Army. (e. g., p. 112). After the Soviet ” liberation” of Poland, part of the NSZ fought the Communists alongside like-minded groups. In fact, according to a cited Polish Communist source, there existed, in 1944-1948, 1,364 illegal political and military groups, comprising 91,000 members. The U.B. (UB, or Communist security forces) lost 886 men killed, but captured 46,000 firearms from the anti-Communist guerillas. (p. 174).

There is a chapter on the Holy Cross Brigade. For additional details, see BYLEM DOWODCA BRYGADY SWIETOKRZYSKIEJ. The remainder of this book includes NSZ and ONR documents, as well as biographic details of important members.

EARLY ONR ADVOCACY OF WHAT TURNED OUT TO BE POLAND’S POST-WWII WESTERN BOUNDARY

Interestingly, as far back as 1940 (p. 35), the ONR had suggested that Poland be compensated for German aggression and crimes by being awarded German-ruled lands up to the Oder-Neisse (Odra-Nysa) line. (See also p. 69, 75). [Ironically, this became reality under Soviet auspices in 1945, albeit with simultaneous Soviet confiscation of the Kresy (Poland’ s eastern half)].

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