Modern Polish Nationalism DEFINITIVE MANIFESTO Bosak

Suwerenny Narod w XXI Wieku, by Krzysztof Bosak, Witold Tumanowicz, Michal Wawer, i Robert Winnicki. 2016

Fixing Poland: A Polish Nationalist Manifesto. The Many Ways That the European Union Has Harmed Poland. Polexit Needed

THE SOVEREIGN NATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY: THE PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT, is the title of this Polish-language nationalist treatise. It is located at ruchnarodowy.net, under “Program”.

The NARODOWCY were the staunchest opponents of Poland’s entry into the European Union in 2003. (p. 29). The authors of this work are fully cognizant of the fact that the majority of current Polish public opinion favors continued Polish membership in the European Union. They note that, when the Polish public is educated about what really is going on, it will support Polexit. (p. 31).

WHY POLAND’S MEMBERSHIP IN THE EUROPEAN UNION FLIES IN THE FACE OF HER BEST INTERESTS:

Although over 25 years have passed since the Treaty of Maastricht, the European Union is beyond the possibility of significant reformation. (p. 29, 31).

The European Union is a child of the liberal-leftist revolution of the 1960’s and 1970’s and is founded upon cultural Marxism. (p. 30). It is an enemy of cultural norms and of religion, which it slanders as “racism”, “xenophobia”, “fanaticism”, “fundamentalism”, “sexism”, and “homophobia”. (p. 31). The authors forgot “theocracy”, “Talibanism”, and (what else?) “anti-Semitism” and “hate”.

The European Union is an engine of social decay in Poland, as in the advancing of anti-values, consumerism, hedonism, and licentiousness. (p. 76). Wealthy sponsors from the West promote the homosexual lobby in Poland. (p. 78).

The European Union pushes “progressive” child rearing, which is in conflict with Poland’s classical and Christian child rearing. (p. 87). The European Union tries its best to force hedonistic-based sex education on Polish children, often in disregard of parental wishes. (p. 84).

In the 1990’s, Poland’s leaders sold Polish industry, land, etc., to foreigners, thus converting Poland into a neo-colony dependent upon western European nations and their leaders. (p. 40). Poland’s status as a neo-colony means that she is a reservoir of cheap labor, and a dumping ground for foreign products. (p. 40). Poland’s membership in the European Union exacerbated this problem, as the union of Polish and western European markets means that Poland’s remaining firms are put in a situation where they cannot compete with western firms. (p. 40).

Poland’s continued membership in the European Union prevents the re-industrialization of Poland, and prevents Poland from engaging in any kind of significant economic protectionism to protect her interests. (p. 41).

The European Union’s policy on carbon dioxide emissions, irrespective of the validity or invalidity of global warming, was a trick. It struck a blow at Polish industry, which did not have the technological advantages of French and German companies. (p. 51).

Poland’s membership in the European Union has made buildings in major cities attractive targets for investment, which has also made them unaffordable to most Poles. This, in turn, has facilitated delayed childbearing among Poles, and has encouraged Poles to emigrate. (p. 60).

Poland’s membership in the European Union has caused a “brain drain”, notably those of medical personnel. (p. 65).

Other factors to consider:

Brussel’s overweening bureaucracy (p. 3), and ever-growing European-Union-imposed regulations on member nations. (p. 29).

The fear-mongering, first fostered by Communists and now Euro-enthusiasts, about Poland being incapable of being sovereign and self-sufficient. (p. 29).

The EURO turning out to benefit Germany. (p. 26). So no EURO. Keep Polish currency as it is. (p. 4, 66).

Poland a would-be dumping ground for immigrants—in this case an attempt of western European nations to shift some of their problems onto Poland. (p. 18).

The growing rebellion of individual European nations against Eurocrat officiousness (p. 26), and against the European-Union-promoted political correctness and multiculturalism (p. 26), as well as against the European-Union-caused crises in finance and immigration. (p. 26).

FOREIGN POLICY MAJOR POINTS OF THIS COMMON-SENSE MANIFESTO:

Making Poland acquire “weight”, in international matters, through the creation of a strong Polish lobby in Great Britain, the USA, etc. (p. 39).

Having Poland acquire nuclear weapons in order to deter any aggressors. (p. 15).

Rejecting the Jagiellonian ideal, wherein Poland could be allied with her neighbors as a buffer against both Russia and Germany. (p. 21).

Support for the Poles that remain in the Kresy, and for the worldwide Polonia. (p. 3, 34-38).

REJECTING IMMIGRATION QUOTAS IMPOSED UPON POLAND:

Realizing the fact that the arrival of immigrants tends to lower the wages of Poles. This is especially the case with low-skilled occupations. (p. 63).

Thwarting the forced Polish acceptance of Third World immigrants and their cheap labor. (p. 18). In particular, Muslims are difficult to assimilate into Polish culture, and have often proved to be hostile to the nations to which they have moved. (p. 19).

On the other hand, some Ukrainian immigrants are acceptable (p. 20), provided that they fully integrate into Polish life, avoid concentrating in ethnic enclaves (p. 24), and refrain from glorifying Stepan Bandera and other OUN-UPA genocidal murderers. (p. 24).

No acceptance of illegal aliens. (p. 20).

DOMESTIC MAJOR POINTS OF THIS COMMON-SENSE MANIFESTO:

Freeing of Poland from the media domination [restrictions on free speech] of the elites of the so-called Round Table Agreement of 1989. (p. 4). Belatedly completing the de-Communization process and the removing of Soviet monuments while always respecting the dead of all nationalities. (p. 25).

Promoting a consistent pro-family pro-life orientation (p. 3, 79), and rejecting abortion on demand. Also rejecting the abortion of deformed infants as a “compromise solution”, as this is a form of the eugenics practiced by both Nazis and Communists. (p. 79). The affirmation of marriage as the union of one man and one woman. (p. 78). No feminism. (p. 8). No pseudo-science of genderism (p. 78). Unmasking Orwellian leftspeak, which includes such deceptive terms as “reproductive rights”, “rights of sexual minorities”, “gender identity”, etc. (p. 80).

Combatting Poland’s social decay (promoted by the European Union), which includes a decline in marriages, an increase in divorces, a disinclination of having children, and an increasing number of children born out of wedlock. (p. 76).

Rebuilding Poland’s Catholic culture, which has often been disregarded in public life. (p. 88).

Rejecting the “rights of minorities” double standard regarding the favorable treatment of the German minority in Poland and the unfavorable treatment of the Polish minority in Germany. (p. 26).

Raising the young in a spirit of patriotism and other Polish traditions. No political correctness, moral relativism, multiculturalism, cultural Marxism, globalism, LEWACTO, postmodernism, consumerism, or hedonism (pp. 3-4, 18, 26, 32, 89). These harmful tendencies are disguised as “modernization”. (p. 22).

Reforming Poland’s excessively complicated tax system. This has been a problem since 1989. (p. 71).

Fostering true free enterprise, without which Poland will never prosper, and without which Poland will keep losing her brightest and best to the attractive possibilities offered other nations. (p. 4). No total laissez faire capitalism, but no government-supported economy either. (p. 41, 44).

Reduction of the service sector. (p. 42). Encouraging Poles to “buy Polish” as a means of supporting the Polish nation. (p. 43).

Engaging in a systematic re-industrialization of Poland (p. 15), and with the most modern technology and equipment. (p. 41). Counteracting the ownership of Polish agriculture foreign concerns. (p. 22).

Making Poland energy-independent by exploiting her coal reserves, which are sufficient for centuries. (p. 49). Using the latest coal technology to make this happen. (p. 51). Also promoting the fracking of gas shale deposits. (p. 52).

Restoring Poland’s shipbuilding industry. (p. 54). Accelerating Poland’s road construction (p. 57) and modernizing Polish railroads. (p. 58).

Removing the excessive administration and bureaucracy that permeates so much of Polish life (p. 9).

Ending the welfare state: Ceasing the effective paying of the unemployed to avoid gainful employment. Creating public works for the unemployed. (p. 62).

Conducting the long-overdue judicial reforms (pp. 10-11), including a major reduction in the over-abundance of judges and prosecutors. (pp. 12-13). [Remember, this was written in 2016. In 2018 and 2019 there was a big media stink about Poland’s judicial reforms, raised by a hysterical European Union whose hegemony over Poland was evidently threatened. Note also that the judiciary is a major promoter of left-wing ideology, for which reason the LEWAKS dread any hint of the reining-in of the excessive powers of the judiciary.]

Bringing back the death penalty (p. 10).

Restoring discipline to Poland’s elementary schools, and reaffirming respect for teachers from parents as well as children. Eliminating the colossal amounts of bureaucracy that strangles the educational system of Poland. (p. 86).

Eliminating the cosmopolitan approach to the teaching of history in favor of a one that stresses Polish national identity. (p. 91). This, contrary to caricatures, does not mean the inculcation of “national myths” or an uncritical understanding of Polish history. (p. 91).

Requiring the young to learn how to use firearms (p. 14), and restore gun-ownership rights for most Polish adults. (p. 15).

Affirming the protection of the environment while rejecting environmentalist ideologies and rejecting onerous policies that harm economic development. (p. 98).

FIGHTING POLONOPHOBIA

The aforementioned Polish lobby should refute the falsehoods said about Poland. (p. 39).

Jewish anti-Polonism is a long-standing problem, and Poles should fight back with diplomatic intervention, lawsuits, polemics, etc. (p. 92).

However, the authors point out that the truth about Poland is not exactly a matter of concern to the French or the American elite. For this reason, the authors recommend that Poles not be overly concerned about what others think about them. (p. 92).

Unfortunately, the authors do not go far enough. They do not discuss the dangers of the Holocaust Industry and its efforts to extort “reparations” (actually, tribute) money from Poland.

STANDING UP TO INTERNET GIANTS AND THEIR CENSORSHIP

The authors point that, during the interval of April-November 2016, Facebook removed the profiles of over 100 Polish patriotic organizations. (p. 95). Such blatant acts of internet censorship can only be remedied such thing as the relevant internet outlets being subject to a Polish law that prizes free speech.

PROMOTING HISTORICAL AWARENESS OF THE POLOKAUST

A major institution should be developed, and deliberately sited on the Recovered Territories (as in Wroclaw) as a reminder to Germany. It would educate the public on the Polokaust–the Nazi German genocide of the Poles. (p. 38).