Jewish Disloyalty 1920 War Bergmann

Narodowa Demokracja a Żydzi 1918-1929, by Olaf Bergmann. 2015

Jewish Disloyalty to Poland in the 1920 Polish-Bolshevik War. The Endeks Were Much Less Hostile to Jews Than The Way They are Usually Portrayed!

THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATS IN RELATION TO THE JEWISH PROBLEM IN THE YEARS 1918-1929, is the title of this Polish-language book. It is really two books, intertwined with each other. The first consists of extensive quotations from Endeks, including ones from newspapers and other generally unavailable sources, and that from famous and not-so-famous Endeks. This makes the book original and worthwhile, and I therefore emphasized it in my review. The second consists of author Bergmann’s analysis, which is of variable quality.

JEWISH DISLOYALTY TO POLAND IN THE 1920 POLISH-BOLSHEVIK WAR

Author Bergmann sometimes cites non-Endeks. For instance, he quotes philosemite Pilsudski on the 1920 Polish-Bolshevik War. Pilsudski wrote that Jews acted loyally to Poland at Mazowieck and Lomza, while considerable–even massive–Jewish support for the Soviets took place at Lukow, Siedlce, Kaluszyn, and Wlodawa. (p. 100).

JEWISH ECONOMIC HEGEMONY. POLES ATTEMPT TO LESSEN IT. HENCE ANTI-SEMITISM

The persistence of Jewish economic dominance, even in small businesses, was as obvious as it could be. One unidentified Endek, writing relatively late in 1925 about relatively-advanced Krakow, pointed out that there were 593 businesses in Polish hands in contrast to 3,131 Jewish-owned ones, even though Jews were only 15% of Krakow’s population. (p. 154).

Endek Stanislaw Grabski focused on the primarily economic nature of anti-Semitism in Poland. He pointed out that Polish-Jewish relations took a new turn, about 1900, when Poles began to advance themselves economically. Anti-Semitic sentiments did not derive from politics, nationalism, or propaganda. They originated when Polish economic growth came into direct conflict with its pre-existing Jewish counterpart. (pp. 142-143).

JEWISH SELF-INTEREST CLASHES WITH NATIONALISM

Jewish hostility to “nationalism” and “chauvinism” is commonly framed in terms of fear of anti-Semitism and persecution. Roman Rybarski instead suggested, in 1926, that Jews exhibit this hostility because their commercial activities are favored by a vague sense of national boundaries, and because it is easier for Jews to hang on to their privileges when the national consciousness of locals is weak. (p. 182).

THE ENDEKS DID NOT MAKE JEWS INTO SCAPEGOATS: THEY ALSO FOUND PLENTY WRONG WITH POLES!

It is incorrect to characterize Endeks as ones that made scapegoats out of Jews, at least necessarily. It turns out that Endeks commonly blamed Poles, as well as Jews, for Poland’s Jewish-related problems.

Franciszek Rawita-Gawronski, in 1925, wrote of the tendency of Jews to buy-up large estates from the Polish nobility. This partly owed to Polish “historical sins”. (p. 162).

Roman Rybarski, in 1919, wrote that the emigration of most of Poland’s Jews was an inescapable necessity. Evidently supporting “jobs made for Jews” premises, Rybarski suggested that several-fold fewer middlemen can do the job presently performed by Jews. However, alluding to the fact that Poles must take the initiative in improving themselves, Rybarski facetiously said that the “most terrible pogrom” that Jews could experience would be the Polish modernization of economic dealings, of the elevation of the cultural level of the villages, and of the better organization of the rural affairs. (p. 142).

Other Endeks were even more explicit in terms of anti-Jewish thoughts and actions needing to be de-emphasized in favor of positive Polish initiatives. Kazimierz Lutoslawski, in 1921, suggested that Polish anti-Semitism, having the goal of emancipating Poles from the Jewish middleman, should be conducted in a noble manner, and not in an atmosphere of hatred and pitilessness against the poverty-stricken Jewish masses. (p. 138). Fr. Josef Kruszynski, in 1923, contended that Poles should do less complaining, and work harder. Moreover, Poles will not achieve anything until they develop their own economically viable class, capable of competing effectively with the Jews. (p. 138). Finally, Kruszynski stated that the successful struggle against the Jews cannot be the product of physical force. It must be the product of a strong national will. (p. 139).

LIKE THEN LIKE NOW: POLES ARE TOO JUDEOCOMPLIANT

Finally, those Endeks objecting to Jewish influence in Polish culture did not solely blame the Jews. They also faulted Poles for lacking courage in challenging such Jews. (e. g, p. 212, 214, 216).

THE SELF-OTHERIZATION OF THE JEW

Zygmunt Balicki, in 1912, wrote of Jews as a people having a very strong sense of exclusiveness and separateness from others. (p. 180). Roman Rybarski, in 1926, viewed Jews as ones that, owing to the fact that they are native to Palestine, as well as their history of persecutions, generally lack strong connections to the peoples among whom they live, and are characterized by ephemeral loyalties. (p. 181).

TALMUDIC RACISM

Father and Professor Jozef Kruszynski, in 1920 and 1921, examined Jews and the Talmud. He contended that the Jewish religion according to the Talmud should not be confused with that of the Old Testament. He also opined that the Talmud infuses Jews with extreme nationalism, elevating Jews above all other peoples, and is used by them to justify contempt towards goys. (pp. 12-13, 169).

THE POTENTIAL ZAZYDZENIE (JUDAIZATION) OF POLAND

The Endeks were skeptical about Jewish assimilation effectively making Poles out of Jews. Jan Ludwik Poplawski, in 1910, suggested that assimilated Polish Jews retain the usual Jewish particularism, a Jewish way of thinking, a Jewish system of ethics, etc., and influence Polish thinking along those lines with no small boldness. (pp. 191-192).

The Endeks recognized Julian Tuwim as an excellent writer, but an essentially foreign one. (p. 217). [Bergman does not mention the fact that the Skamander group commonly attacked Polish patriotism.] The Endeks also objected to Janusz Korczak for his liberalism and his nontraditional child-rearing practices. (p. 219).

[The American reader can understand the Endek hostility towards many influential assimilated Jews (as “unauthentic Poles”) in the following terms. Many African-Americans do not believe that a European-American, even if well intentioned and sympathetic, can fully understand the lot of an African American, be capable of fully promoting African-American interests, etc.]

JEWISH VALUES CLASH WITH POLISH CATHOLIC VALUES

Endek Stanislaw Grabski, in 1927, called attention to the Jewish role in the promulgation of pornographic, anti-marriage, and anti-family messages, all in the name of “progressive” trends, in both large and small theaters, movies, etc. (p. 212). [Bergmann thinks that the criticism has some merit, but does not mention the fact that Jews also faulted fellow Jews in this regard. See the Peczkis Amazon Wish List: JEWISH FREETHOUGHT IN PRE-WWII POLAND…].

Finally, let us keep Endek skepticism about assimilated Jews in perspective. It was never absolute. For instance, Wincenty Lutoslawski, in 1924, concluded that many Jews who convert to Catholicism do so sincerely, and become ardent Polish patriots. (pp. 174-175).

AUTHOR OLAF BERGMANN’S ANALYSIS

Endek Stanislaw Grabski (p. 114, 143) pointed out that Jews boycotted Poles before Poles started boycotting Jews. Bergmann considers it probable that each side indeed had sought to defend its economic interests. (pp. 143-144).

In striking contrast to the LEWACTWO and many Jews, Bergmann (p. 21) rejects the characterization of the Endeks as ones animated by an obsessive hatred of Jews.

CORRECTIONS NEEDED

Bergmann (p. 31, 34) suggests that Roman Dmowski had a point about hostile influential Jews, working against Poland, at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. However, he mischaracterizes the Endeks as contending that Jews were the ONLY reason for a less-than-favorable western response to Poland, is just that. No Endek had made such a statement!

Sometimes, Bergmann engages in obvious non-sequiturs. Consider, for example, the author’s attempts to rebut Roman Dmowski’s 1903 characterization of Poland’s Jews as ones that strive to persist in their traditional economic roles. Bergmann brings up the fact that Holocaust-surviving Polish Jews, having moved to Israel, often became farmers and soldiers. (p. 136). To begin with, some Jews shared Dmowski’s views. For instance, American Jew Henry Morgenthau, having visited 1918 Poland in the wake of mostly-bogus pogrom accounts, commented that the local Jews must become willing to perform more than one or two occupations. Otherwise, not all Jews, now having a nation all their own, could be usurers, shopkeepers, and traders. Someone had to be a farmer! In addition, Jews, for the first time, had their own nation to defend–furthermore, almost immediately from Arab aggression.