Cultural Marxism Effects on Poland Chodakiewicz

Mysli Wolnego Polaka, by Marek Jan Chodakiewicz. 2016

Poland in the Modern World: Essays by a Historian. The LEWACTWO and Its War on Polish Religious and Patriotic Traditions. Nationalism Demystified. Gun Rights

THOUGHTS OF A FREE POLE is the title of this Polish-language work. It is an anthology of articles, originally published in 2015 and 2016, mostly in TYGODNIK SOLIDARNOSC. An astonishing variety of topics are presented, including: biological warfare, hacking of computers, the Arab nations and oil, the nature of Islam, the chilling of free speech on American campuses (e. g,  “safe spaces”, political correctness), pogroms vs. seldom-mentioned massacres of non-Jews, the ZOLNIERZE WYKLECI (anti-Communist guerillas), and the multiple flaws of Timothy Snyder and his knowledge of Poles. An index of names is provided in the back of the book.

I focus on a few themes:

THE LEFTIST OUTCRY ABOUT POLAND’S RELATIVELY TRADITIONALIST GOVERNMENT

The mostly left-wing media in the West has raised a huge non-issue about Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS–PRAWO I SPRAWIEDLIWOSC) government, making bizarre accusations of it being a threat to democracy. Chodakiewicz wittily says, “Give PiS a Chance” . (p. 19).

The LEWAK (left-winger) glories in its hatred of religion, genuine freedom, tradition, family, patriotism, and private ownership of property. (p. 53). The PiS government is demonized, even through the use of REDUCTIO AD HITLERUM. This is all because it does not fall in line with secularist liberalism and its agenda of sexual libertinism, LGBT special rights, prenatal infanticide (abortion; a. k. a. “reproductive rights”), euthanasia, and so-called multiculturalism. (pp. 17-18). Poland is one of the last remaining bastions of traditional religion and morality in Europe. (p. 42). That is what makes her a target of cultural Marxism.

PRO-EU SCARE TACTICS

Princeton University Professor Harold James, a specialist in the EU (European Union) has engaged in scaremongering. He has argued that, in the event of the dissolution of the European Union, Poland would only place herself in danger of a Russian invasion. (p. 22). [It should be pointed out that the Communists had earlier used exactly the same tactic: They tried to convince the Poles that, were the Soviet bloc to dissolve, Germany would attack Poland and would reclaim the Recovered Territories (Silesia, Pomerania, etc.)].

NATIONALISM DEMYSTIFIED

Nowadays, “nationalism” is a commonly-used element of leftspeak–a distinctly naughty word in academia and media. Chodakiewicz has falsely been accused of being an ethnonationalist–a characterization that he repudiates. He also considers integral nationalism to be as criminal as Communism. (p. 35). Both are deifications of ideology and state.

So how should Poles understand their nationalism? Chodakiewicz points out that nationalism is a form of self-identity that focuses on a shared ethnicity and culture, religion, tradition, and history. (p. 34).

People from ANY background, willing to become part of the Polish nation, are welcome in Poland. For instance, Polish nationalist Roman Dmowski was a descendant of Tatar settlers. (p. 217).

POLAND BLAMED FOR THE SHOAH

FBI director James Comey “laid an egg” when he accused Poland of complicity in the Holocaust. Chodakiewicz sets the record straight, pointing to the millions of Poles murdered by the Germans (Nazis), and the fact that a miniscule number of Poles collaborated with the Nazis, against Jews, hardly makes Poland “complicit in the Holocaust”. (pp. 109-111).

PROPERTY RESTITUTION: CLARIFYING THE REAL ISSUE

This essay is a disappointment. The author writes about property restitution and re-privatization, and restates the obvious fact that large numbers of Poles, as well as Jews, had been deprived of their property as a result of WWII and the ensuing Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government. He also points out that those illegally deprived of their property are entitled to restitution.

Unfortunately, Chodakiewicz skirts around the real issue, which I now explain to the reader. The issue is not legitimate property restitution, against which no one could argue. The real issue is this: The Jews of the Holocaust Industry are trying for so-called property restitution on illegitimate grounds–on contrived special rights (group rights). They argue that, because of the (supposed) uniqueness of the Holocaust, Jews are collectively entitled to novel, EX POST FACTO laws of property restitution. In other words, these retroactively-applied laws and policies are supposed to entitle Jews, as a whole, to expansive property restitution–and in ways that Poles seeking property restitution are not. Finally, these laws and policies effectively and falsely transform Poland into a co-perpetrator of the Holocaust, and would saddle Poland with part of the bill for German crimes and the consequences of German crimes.

With rare and individual exceptions, Jewish property-restitution claims against Poland have no legitimacy whatsoever. Furthermore, German Holocaust-restitution monies already cover the Jewish losses of property. The real issue is this: Trying to force Poland to pay off self-appointed Jewish organizations, and that through extralegal means. It is no more complicated than that.

A VISIT TO THE KRESY (LWOW)

Author Chodakiewicz visited the Lyczakow Cemetery in Lwow (Lviv). He paid homage to the Eaglets of Lwow, who had perished in defense of Lwow in 1918, and to the American pilots who died on behalf of Poland. Somebody had covered up, with plaster, the English-language description which had said “In defense of Poland”, evidently out of fear that the visitor may learn what actually had happened. (p. 130).

THE LEGACY OF COMMUNISM

While not getting into the subject of LUSTRACJA per se, Marek Jan Chodakiewicz calls attention to the fact that NOT ONE Ubek (Communist police official) has been put on trial for his crimes since 1989. (p. 38). The author confirms the fact that Lech Walesa was Bolek–a Communist-serving agent until about 1973. (p. 39).

The war on the family unit, begun under Communism, continues under neo-Marxism. Political correctness, featured by Lenin (p. 216), is very much in force.

GUN OWNERSHIP IN PRE-WWII POLAND

The author introduces the reader to private gun ownership in Switzerland and the USA. He then points out that, in prewar Poland, there existed a culture of private gun ownership. Virtually every estate had its arsenal of weapons. (p. 66). The Polish government registered many of these guns, and the Nazi-German and Soviet-Communist invaders utilized these records to confiscate the guns. This later weakened the capabilities of Volhynian Poles to defend themselves from the Ukrainian fascist-separatist OUN-UPA genocide. (p. 67).

Chodakiewicz describes initiatives that favor private firearm ownership in today’s Poland. He also writes of the need to create firing ranges for gun-loving enthusiasts.